Constructing Legacies: The Challenges of Large-Scale Infrastructure in Egypt and Morocco
Every morning, as millions of Cairenes commute hours in the notorious traffic of Egypt’s largest metropolis, they pass ambitious development projects: from luxury residential compounds in quickly growing suburbs to the seemingly never-ending construction alongside the highway encircling Cairo. Seventy miles east, commuters pass even more massive construction projects along the country’s famed Suez Canal. Perhaps most notable of all in this top-down push for large-scale infrastructure development is the proposed new capital city to be built approximately 30 miles east of Cairo, halfway to the city of Suez.
While the stated goal of these development projects is often worthwhile — increasing foreign investment in a nation desperate for economic recovery from a depreciated currency and continuing inflation — it points to a potentially troubling misallocation of resources by President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi’s government. Large-scale infrastructure projects are a trend across the Middle East in which governments prioritize, and often subsidize, flashy, glamorous, or attention-garnering developments in lieu of more needed, but less exciting, government reforms in education, long-term employment, anti-corruption efforts, and economic liberalization. Unfortunately, the benefits of such large-scale projects, even when successfully completed, often remain in the hands of the few large firms with military ties and access to government contracts, preventing a “trickle-down” effect to the rest of the economy and, most importantly, the lives of the majority of citizens.
Consider Egypt’s proposed new capital city. With a budget rumored to be over $50 billion (in comparison to Egypt’s $330 billion annual GDP), it aims to lessen population density in Cairo and provide increased space for manufacturing and governance, undoubtedly sensible goals. Yet it also encompasses lavish plans, such as a full-scale amusement park and a towering monument to emulate the Eiffel Tower. While recreational activities and monuments are important components of a vibrant city, they may not be the most optimal allocation of resources in a country where many citizens are struggling to survive at the most basic level. (Moreover, as Egypt is already so symbolically represented by its pyramids, a new “monument” seems relatively superfluous).
In what could only be described as a pharaonic effort, Egypt’s infrastructure ambitions extend far beyond the immediate need for foreign investment and economic recovery. Whether these misguided efforts are motivated by blindly following the mistakes of previous governments or as an intentional distraction from the political tensions of the — in many ways still unresolved — Arab Spring, they will likely do little for wide-ranging economic recovery. If President Sisi wants to leave a lasting, positive legacy in Egypt and the region, he would be much better served investing in smaller, more desperately needed development and reform projects that, although they might not garner international attention, would uplift the average Egyptian.
Thousands of miles west along the North African coast, Morocco has embarked on many large-scale, top-down infrastructure projects of its own: from high-speed railways to a complete reconstruction of the port city of Tangier to renewable energy. Over the past two decades, King Mohammed VI has been keen to undertake massive infrastructure projects in transportation, port capacity, and industrial infrastructure throughout far-flung corners of the country.
Morocco has received billions of dollars of international investment for this development, a focal point of which is the Tangiers-Metropolis Programme that aims to reposition Tangier’s port as an economic, industrial, and tourist hub for the region. Estimated to cost more than $700 million, this project is ambitious on many fronts: reconfiguring the port as a shipping and tourist center, redeveloping the city’s waterfront residential and commercial space, and building a highway encircling the Tangier region. Overall, Morocco aims to make Tangier the leading recreational and commercial city and busiest port on the Southern Mediterranean.
While these projects — which also include one of the world’s largest solar plants — are generally sophisticated and well-executed, it remains to be seen how well they will improve the lives of the average Moroccan. A high-speed train line that reduces travel time across the country or a modern, bustling port are impressive feats. However, the grandiosity of such projects begs the question of whether these resources could be better spent directly improving the status of Moroccans in poverty, particularly in rural areas, or building strong institutions necessary for an accountable constitutional monarchy. For example, Morocco’s relatively high illiteracy rate and level of corruption both contribute to the political isolation of the majority of the population. Moroccans, thus far, have been relatively hesitant to directly confront the monarchy, but if King Mohamed VI continues to prioritize large-scale development projects that neglect the nation’s core issues, this could very well change.
Like any leaders, King Mohamed VI and President Sisi must face daily choices of how to best allocate their nation’s resources. While these decisions, particularly for Sisi, can be highly challenging in periods of economic struggle, both leaders have made the risky decision of focusing disproportionately on large-scale development projects in nations that are in desperate need of economic and political reform, poverty alleviation, and much more. For the continued stability of their rule and the good of their citizens, both leaders would be wise to seek innovative methods to direct foreign investment and scarce resources to these most needed areas. If they do not, they may face citizens that — without steady livelihoods, education, or access to government services — are increasingly prone to civil unrest or vulnerable to recruitment by extremist groups.
